近幾年來，推動原住民族部落狩獵自主治理的工作在各地紛紛展開。本研究之目的為，建立花蓮縣秀林鄉木瓜溪流域周邊太魯閣族獵場詳細的空間資訊，探討空間資訊背後的原住民族狩獵治理之事實現狀，以及與部落協力建立狩獵自主治理機制之過程。本研究最初先與銅門部落會議獵人團展開合作，之後擴增文蘭村聯合治理，並走向全鄉層級之整合，目前預備以花蓮縣秀林鄉太魯閣族獵人協會作為狩獵治理單位，與國家簽訂行政契約以取得獵場管理權。實作步驟上，本研究提出「事實（de facto）獵場」、「權格（entitled）獵場」以及「法制（de jure）獵場」三組有關獵場空間之概念，分別以地理事實空間、社會正當性空間和制度化法律空間的次序，詳細說明銅門與文蘭獵人團創建組織，調解在地衝突，以及合法化獵場的過程。本研究發現，雖然銅門村與文蘭村五個當代親緣部落共同繼受木瓜溪流域周邊領域的資格，對內共享獵場，對外排他，但事實的「共用」不代表其政治現實上能成為一個「集體」單元。一旦共享領域資格的行動主體率先自我組織，將有可能擾動在地獵場默契共享的事實。唯有透過多方主體的共議、內外調節，才足以讓法制獵場單元的建構過程盡可能達成共識。以木瓜溪流域案例來說，恰好是更大尺度的政治互動緩衝了小尺度的在地內部差異。近幾年太魯閣族的實作經驗顯示，獵場治理單元的界定過程應當保持開放性，權衡獵場實際現狀，以創造多重領域／政治主體之間協商與整合的氛圍為優先考量。

In recent years, efforts to promote the plans of indigenous hunting self-governance have been launched in numerous places. The purpose of this study is to establish detailed spatial information of the Truku people’s hunting grounds around the Mugua river basin in Xiulin township, Hualien County, gather factual information of indigenous hunting within these areas, and work with tribes to establish self-governance mechanism. Firstly, by coollaborating with a hunter group of the Dowmung (Knkreyan) tribal council, a self-governing system has been established. Then, the institution is expanded jointly with Tmunan Village and moved towards the integration of villages in the whole Xiulin township. Currently, the Xiulin Truku Hunters Association is prepared as a governance unit to sign an administrative contract with the government for obtaining management rights of hunting ground. In terms of steps of practice, three sequential concepts related to the space of hunting area were proposed:’’de facto hunting ground’’,’’entitled hunting ground’’and’’de jure hunting ground’’, representing the space of geographical fact, social legitimacy, and institutionalized legal authority respectively. The three concepts describe how the Dowmung and Tmunan hunter groups are established, how local conflicts are mediated, and how the hunting grounds can be legalized. This study found that five contemporary tribes in Dowmung Village and Tmunan Village jointly inherited eligibility of the surrounding areas of the Mugua river basin. The hunting grounds are shared by the tribe members but outsiders, however this sharing reality does not necessarily mean that tribes can be integrated into a’’collective’’political unit. Once a group of agents who share field legitimacy take the lead in self-organizing, it can effectively disturb the tacit fact of space sharing in the hunting grounds. On the other hand, through negotiation and internal and external adjustments by multiple political subjects, consensus can be achieved as much as possible in the process of the construction of de jure hunting ground. In the case of Mugua river basin, it happens that political interactions at higher organizational level help mitigate internal differences of individual tribes. The practical experiences of the Truku people shows that the process of delineating hunting units should be maintained broad-minded. Also creating a political environment which enables multiple political subjects to negotiate and integrate is a foundation of establishing indigenous hunting self-governance institution.