《睡》簡、《放》簡及《孔》簡之《日書》盜篇比較

Between the Yunmeng Shuihudi from Hubei province, and Tianshui Fangmatan from Gansu province, as well as one Han era tomb, Suizhou Kongjiapo from Hubei province

1975至1998年間，陸續出土《雲夢睡虎地秦墓竹簡》、《甘肅天水放馬灘秦墓竹簡》及《隨州孔家坡漢墓簡牘》（以下將三簡簡稱《睡》簡、《放》簡和《孔》簡）；三份簡牘皆有《日書》，《日書》中更收錄盜篇內容。這些盜篇內容富有濃厚的迷信色彩，除了用地支、天干記日，也用生肖比附。使得所有的盜匪，其偷盜的時間、藏匿贜物的地點，甚至其體貌、特長，都要和生肖及記日搭配。乍看之下，這的確是一份設計精妙的捕盜圖，但在現實中卻絶對難以採用。既然這份文書根本不適用於現實社會，何以墓主還要參考，死了也要放進墓裡一同陪葬。可見，這份文書無論是應對當日執法嚴苛的上級官吏，或是安撫飽受盜匪侵襲的百姓，必定有著相當的作用。另外，這三份《日書》中的盜篇內容，前人尚未做細步比較，《放》簡簡文也未刊行，只有隸定資料。筆者將三簡內容，依地支及天干記日，逐一做表比較，以歸納出三簡盜篇所記，究竟呈現了什麼樣的時代風貌？十二生肖的觀念如何繁衍？此三簡究竟說明了什麼線索，三篇的盜者都是什麼樣的身份，他們的偷盜性質如何……，皆可從逐一比較的圖表中窺得大略。此外，後人在研讀這些簡文時，應有什麼樣的認知，如何看待這份文書，也是本文所欲說明的內容。

Among the excavations yielding ancient inscriptions on bamboo or wooden slips in the years from 1975 to 1998 were two Qin era tombs, Yunmeng Shuihudi from Hubei province, and Tianshui Fangmatan from Gansu province, as well as one Han era tomb, Suizhou Kongjiapo from Hubei province. The inscriptions from these three tombs all contain a rishu, or almanac, and each rishu includes a chapter relating to the apprehension of thieves. This material is characterized by strong elements of superstitious belief, such as the comparison of the ten ''heavenly stems'' and twelve ''earthly branches'' (tiangan dizhi), as well as the twelve animals (shengxiao) of the lunar calendar. Details like the time the crime was committed, the articles which were stolen, as well as the appearance and special talents of the thief are all matched to elements of tiangan dizhi and shengxiao. At first glace, this appears to be an ingenious system for apprehending a thief, but in actuality must have been extremely difficult to employ to any great effect. If these documents were not put to practical use, why would the persons buried in these tombs want to use them for reference, or have them buried with them? It is evident that must have had some role to play, whether as a tool for the strict judiciary of the time or as a means to placate a populace fed up with the attacks of bandits. These three chapters have yet to be subjected to a detailed comparison. The original inscriptions from the Tianshui Fangmatan rishu have yet to be published; only an approximation of the document in modern script is available to us at this time. My aim in this article is do conduct just such a detailed comparison, analyzing both their contents and structure in order to reveal the kind of culture they manifest. Clues to many questions may be found in such a study, including the nature of the propagation of the twelve animal shengxiao cycle, the identity of the thieves described in these texts and the nature of their crimes. It is also my hope that this study may provide guidance for future researchers of these documents.