西拉雅人的漢化民俗與傳統信仰

Sinicization folklore and traditional beliefs of the Siraya people

本文延續過去數年以特定歲時民俗在不同族群間差異的研究方向，探討涵化概念在現實上的有效性。這次來到臺灣先民最早接觸漢人的地區臺南市，在 3個重要的西拉雅族人聚落與鄰近漢人聚落，針對特定民俗活動的有無與實施細節，利用結構式訪談及田野調查蒐集相關資料，經過整理發現吉貝耍、北頭洋聚落與其鄰近漢人聚落在這些民俗活動上的相似性極高，頭社聚落雖然周邊沒有漢人聚落，但其相關民俗活動也類似於吉貝耍與北頭洋。另外本研究也在臺南市的歸仁區（閩南人優勢聚落）做了小型的問卷調查，發現我們所調查歲時民俗與當地完全一樣。這些發現可做為一項間接證據，支持我從屏東平原的研究成果所做的推論，也就是台灣的平埔先民其民俗活動受閩南系漢人影響較大，而非居住於聚落附近的客籍漢人，當下居住空間的接近並非決定性的要素。另針對這 3 個西拉雅族聚落，本研究同時蒐集了族人傳統祀壺信仰實施現況的資料，發現除了吉貝耍在大、小公廨仍維持較傳統的形式，這 3 個聚落的祀壺大部份都已從地面（壁腳）升上神桌，這一點與在花蓮、臺東所發現的祀壺方式不同；現在僅吉貝耍聚落仍有相當多民眾在家中祭祀阿立母，並有較一致的儀式，北頭洋與頭社聚落幾乎已無民眾於家中祭祀；另外在訪談中雖然 3 個聚落受訪的民眾都認為祀壺的對象是祖靈而非一般神明，但吉貝耍阿立母法師卻對於祖靈說頗為猶豫，法師在可說明的範圍內，講述了他在通靈中所瞭解的阿立母由來、阿立母的形象、以及族人拜矸仔還有在瓶子中插入植物的緣由。由於不同族群間文化的相互影響是涵化概念的討論範圍，本文也以田野調查的結果對過去關於合成文化的討論做了比較細膩的說明。

In this paper, we continue our research on the differences between different ethnic groups in specific folklore of the past few years and explore the validity of the concept of acculturation in reality. This time, we visited Tainan City, the earliest contact with the Han Chinese in Taiwan, and collected relevant data on the presence or absence of specific folk activities and their implementation details in three important Siraya settlements and the neighboring Han Chinese settlements through structured interviews and field surveys. This finding can be used as an indirect evidence to support my inference from the research results of the Pingtung Plain, that is, the folk activities of the Pingpu ancestors in Taiwan were more influenced by the Minnan Han people than by the Hakka Han people living near the settlements. This paper also uses the results of the field survey to give a more detailed explanation of the past discussions on synthetic culture. In addition, for the three Siraya tribes, this study also collected information on the current status of the implementation of the traditional ritual pot beliefs of the tribesmen, and found that, with the exception of Kapas-au, which still maintains a more traditional way of worship in the large and small communal houses, most of the ritual pots in these three tribes have been raised from the ground (the foot of the wall) to the sacred table. In addition, although all the people interviewed in the three settlements thought that the object of worship was the ancestral spirits rather than ordinary gods, the priest of the Kapas-au alipbo was rather hesitant to talk about the ancestral spirits, and to the extent that he could explain, he described what he had learned about the origin of the alipbo in his channeling, the image of the alipbo, and the way in which the clan worshiped it. He explained, to the extent that he could, what he had learned about the origin of alipbo, the image of alipbo, and the reason why the clan worships the bottles with water and inserts plants in the bottles.