行為者結構系統對習得第二語言格位標記之移轉現象的影響：以查瓦卡諾語及宿霧語為第一語言學習者習得菲律賓國語格位標記為例

The Acquisition of Case Marking by L1 Chabacano and L1 Cebuano Learners of L2 Filipino: Influence of Actancy Structure on Transfer

近年來，在菲律賓語言學的發展過程中，區分了具有賓格行為者結構系統 (accusative actancy structure) 的查瓦卡諾語 (Chabacano) 與大多數具有作格行為者結構系統 (ergative actancy structure) 的語言（ 如： 菲律賓國語(Filipino)）。這項區隔與格位標記的習得之間有直接的關聯性，特別是與以查瓦卡諾語為第一語言學習者 (L1 Chabacano learners) 習得菲律賓國語中不及物句與及物句的主語與賓語的格位標記的關聯相當明顯。本研究邀請了五十位講查瓦卡諾語的兒童與五十位講宿霧語 (Cebuano)的（七至八歲）兒童參與實驗。這些兒童被要求用菲律賓國語來描述及物與不及物的動作；他們也同時被要求對帶有正確或不正確格位標記的及物與不及物句做是否符合（菲律賓國語）語法的判斷。研究結果指出：在不及物句主語（格位標記）的習得上，這兩組受試者均出現「正向移轉」(positive transfer)。但是在及物句主語與賓語（格位標記）的習得上，講查瓦卡諾語的兒童卻出現「負向移轉」(negative transfer)；這結果與講查瓦卡諾語的兒童在講菲律賓國語時「過度概化」(overgeneralize) 查瓦卡諾語的格位標記型式有關。本文亦討論了這項研究在第二語言教學上的意含，特別是針對這項研究結果在教授菲律賓國語給菲律賓境內以其他語言為第一語言者的意含加以探討。

Recent development in Philippine linguistics distinguishes Chabacano as having the accusative actancy structure different from most ergative Philippine languages, such as Filipino. The implications from this difference directly concern the acquisition of case marking in Filipino by L1 Chabacano learners, particularly on the subject and object arguments in intransitive and transitive sentences. Fifty Chabacano and fifty Cebuano children (7 to 8 years old) were asked to describe transitive and intransitive actions in Filipino, and to judge the grammaticality of sentences with either correct or incorrect case markings of transitive and intransitive forms. The results showed positive transfer for the intransitive subject in both groups, and negative transfer for the transitive subject and transitive object among the Chabacano children who tended to overgeneralize case marking patterns in Chabacano when speaking in Filipino. Implications for Filipino L2 instruction for different L1 speakers in the Philippines are discussed.