賽德克語和塔加拉語名物化及疑問句探究

Nominalization and WH-movement in Seediq and Tagalog

本文主要探討賽德克語（Seediq）和塔加拉語（Tagalog）語中的兩種疑問句。句中的論元當做疑問詞時，句子通常形成分裂句，疑問詞成為分裂句的謂語。其餘句子成分形成無頭關係子句，並且當做分裂句的主語。因此，主語優勢現象（只有主語能在句首出現）也可以歸因於關係子句的特質。相對之，附加詞疑問句通常不形成分裂句。塔加拉語中的附加詞當做疑問詞時必須移位到句首。與此相反，賽德克語中的附加詞當做疑問詞時留在原位。我們將此差異性分析成兩種語言之間的不同結構。

This paper proposes a structural analysis of two types of wh-question formation in the Austronesian languages Seediq and Tagalog. Wh-questions formed on arguments are pseudo-cleft constructions; the wh-word functions as a predicate taking the rest of the clause, in the form of a headless relative, as its subject. The restriction that argument wh-questions can only be formed on absolutives is accounted for by a requirement that an absolutive Case feature must be checked in the C domain by the operator forming the relative clause. In contrast to this, adjunct wh-questions are formed via wh-movement. The fact that adjunct wh-words cannot appear in clause-initial position in Seediq is the result of basic word order generation in this language, which produces VOS order by fronting the predicate XP around the absolutive. This prevents adjunct wh-words contained inside the fronted predicate from moving out without violating the CED. Adjunct wh-words in Tagalog do appear in clause-initial position, which can be explained because Tagalog is a VSO language, whose word order is not generated by moving the entire predicate, thus leaving adjuncts free to move.