英文摘要 |
Based on previous studies, the present paper reexamines the origin and evolution of the pre-Qin sentence-final particle yi已from the perspective of construction grammar. It is generally accepted that the particle yi已comes from a verb, and as for whether it marks the tone of restricting as well as how it relates to eryi而已, opinions among scholars differ drastically. Moreover, it is accepted that the function of yi已is close to that of both ye也and yi矣, and is compounded with them to form yeyi也已, yiyi已矣, and yeyiyi也已矣; however, the reasons for these evolutions still await further investigation. Most previous studies distinguish the functions of ye也and yi矣on the basis of two criteria: 1) static and dynamic opposition and 2) the presence or absence of time. But whether the collocation of yi已with static and dynamic predicates is enough to prove that it becomes synonymous to both ye也and yi矣is still up for debate. In recent years, scholars have begun to treat constructions as clues of grammatical changes. This paper distinguishes the functional division of yi已, ye也, and yi矣, and proposes a new hypothesis on the yi已question by thoroughly examining which types of the yi已constructions have undergone changes. Since the data has been widely collected from pre-Qin documents, this paper only touches upon some essential cases as key evidence for the new hypothesis. |