英文摘要 |
Maurice Freedman argues in his various discussions of feng-shui (風水)that the dead are made over into the passive pawns of their descendants andprofessional geomancers. Simply put, descendants seek a favorable fend-shui sitefor the burial of their dead in order to reap the rewards of wealth, numerousoffspring, and high official rank. The extent literature already includesseveral discussions of Freedman's analysis of Chinese fend-shui. Emily Ahern,for instance, suggests that it is the ancestors in the graves rather than theabstract forces of qi( 氣 ) who are the source of the benefits that flow from anadvantageous feng-shui site. ancestors in graves with good fend-shui are happyand helpful to their descendants; ancestors in graves with bad feng-shui areunhappy and punish their descendants. Ahern thus argues that ancestors retaintheir own volition and agency in passing out fortune and misfortune. Yih-yuanLi, Dawnhee Yim Janelli and other scholars provide yet other perspectives onFreedman's discussions of feng-shui, In this article, I use field data from HuluVillage, in southern Taiwan, for yet another perspective on Freedman's owninterpretation of feng-shui and how other researchers have critiqued thatinterpretation. Residents of Hulu Village hold that feng-shui worksmechanically, but its consequences are filtered through the principles ofheavven (tian-li 天理 )and retribution (pao-ying 報應 )so that the otherwisemechanical consequences of feng-shui are themselves reoriented in line withlocal moral principles. |