極大性與泛義加性：越南語đều和cũng

MAXIMALITY AND GENERALIZED ADDITIVITY:ĐỀU AND CŨNG IN VIETNAMESE

本研究探討了越南語中兩個「量化」成分đều和cũng的功能。我們採納Giannakidou and Cheng 2006及Xiang 2008有關漢語dou的理論分析，主張越南語中的đều是一個「極大化運符」。此理論與Tran（2008）認為đều是一個分配運符的主張不同。此外，我們認為助詞cũng只有加性意義。當cũng與一個非特定名詞（例如表存在意的wh-疑問詞）相連結時，由於cũng能預設一個開放性的替代集合，因此wh-疑問詞的全稱解釋就會出現。這與Tran（2009）的分析相異。我們認為cũng本身並不是一個全稱性量詞，如Tran（2009）所主張。我們還測試了đều和cũng的句法位置。我們的分析顯示：đều和cũng都加接到T’，因為它們必須出現在時態成分之前，並可以自由出現在時間副詞之前或之後。

This study investigates the functions of two“quantificational”elements in Vietnamese,đều and cũng. Drawing inspiration from Giannakidou and Cheng’s 2006 and Xiang’s 2008 analyses of dou in Mandarin, we argue thatđều‘all’in Vietnamese is a maximality operator, which differs from Tran’s (2008) proposal that it is a distributor. In addition, we propose that the additive particle cũng‘also’only has the additive meaning. The universal interpretation of the wh-element arises when it co-occurs with cũng due to a specific property of cũng in Vietnamese: its ability to presuppose an open alternative set. When cũng associates with a non-specific noun, such as a wh-indefinite, the presupposed alternative set encompasses all potentially possible individuals, leading to a universal reading. Contrary to Tran’s 2009 analysis, cũng itself is not a universal quantifier. We also examine the syntactic positions ofđều and cũng. Our analysis indicates that bothđều and cũng adjoin to T’, as they must precede tense markers and can freely appear before or after temporal adverbs.