閩南語「得」字的語法功能及其歷史來源

On the Functions and Origins of the Southern Min De

本文以明清閩南語戲文及現代閩南口語材料為取材範圍，全面考察閩南語「得」一詞的用法。主要著眼於「得」所出現的各類句式，進而分析其句法功能。「得」除了作為句中的主要動詞，表「獲得」義之外，又可出現於動詞前及動詞後兩個句法位置。居於動詞後的「得」，或為表「完成」的動相補語；或作能性補語，表示動力情態。位居動詞前的「得」，均充當情態動詞，帶謂詞性賓語。其表現的情態義大抵亦是動力情態（包括條件情態），不過某些例句顯示動詞前的「得」已過渡至認識情態範疇。此外，「得」還有與副詞複合為雙音詞之例，涉及詞彙化及語法化的過程。另有「得人惜」、「得人驚」表致使的用法也歷經句法上的重新分析。綜觀明清材料所呈現「得」的諸多構式，有一些在現代幾已不用，其原因可能與它們是借自官話系統，相對較為文言的表達方式有關。

Based on the Southern Min playscripts of the Ming and Qing Dynasties and the Modern Southern Min texts, this article examines the syntactic functions of de in three syntactic positions: [1] as the main verb of a clause, meaning 'to acquire;' [2] post-verbally, either denoting the completion of a motion as the phase complement or expressing dynamic modality as the potential complement; and [3] pre-verbally, as a modal verb that takes predicative objects, expressing dynamic modality (including circumstantial dynamic modality) and even epistemic modality, as shown in some texts. Besides these, de is compounded with another adverb to become a disyllabic word in some cases, which shows lexicalization and grammaticalization at play. Furthermore, the de in de ren xi ('someone makes others cherish someone') and de ren jing ('someone makes others fear someone') as a causative verb is the result of syntactic re-analysis. Quite a few constructions containing de found in the Ming-Qing playscripts have died out, as they are relatively convoluted expressions borrowed from Mandarin.