論《荔鏡記》中完成體否定詞「未」──兼論「未曾／不曾」的競爭

The Perfect Aspect Negator ‘未’ in Li Jing Ji: Competition Between ‘未曾’ and ‘不曾

否定詞「未」於《荔鏡記》中主要用以對某事件（「未」後接VP）的完成進行否定，該事件與現在有關連，故可視為對「完成體」（perfectaspect）的否定，本文依此討論四點議題。首先「未」的詞彙義「沒有VP」受詮釋者主觀性影響，將產生語境義「還沒有VP」與「從沒有VP」。再者「未」修飾的主要動詞須包含[＋持續性]、[±靜態性]與[＋時間性]等特徵。另外「未」用作句末疑問助詞（VP＋未SPF）是致因於[VP抑未（VP）]省略第二個VP後，其承繼正反問句結構的[＋疑問]屬性發展而來。最後「未」和「不」於「Neg＋經驗體標記」格式上具競爭關係，據考「未嘗」最早見於《論語》；「未曾」初見於《墨子》；「不曾」約在六朝出現；「沒曾」則晚至《金瓶梅》。本文以為Neg位置最早為與經驗體標記相配而選「未[＋時間性,＋經驗]」，爾後隨該位置泛化，僅表完成體否定的「不」與「沒」也跟進，競爭後由使用度與口語程度最廣的「不」勝出。這點較能解釋前人觀點的未逮之處。

This paper aims to investigate the perfect aspect negator „未‟ in MinQing Southern Min script Li Jing Ji. First, a cognitive schema will be presented to demonstrate the different uses of „未‟. „Have not‟ is the main and objective meaning, while „never‟ and „have not yet‟ involve the speaker‟s subjectivity. Second, „未‟ can occupy the position either before or after VP, as in „未＋VP‟ and „VP＋未 SFP‟. The VP should bear the features including [+Continuous], [±Dynamic] and [+Time]. The [+Q(uestion) ] feature of A-not-A interrogatives [VP 抑未 VP] floats to the „未‟ at the sentence final position after the second VP is omitted. Finally, a competition between „未‟ and „不‟ in view of the structure [Neg + experiential aspect marker] is presented. Although in terms of historical development, „未‟ occurs earlier than „不‟, yet it is „不‟ that has been used much more extensively in daily conversations.