中文摘要 |
《敦煌古藏文卷子》P.T.1287〈吐蕃贊普傳記第四〉在記載吐蕃君臣議事過程中,用上了《史記》〈平原君列傳〉有關毛遂自薦的架構,以呈現論贊弄囊的朝堂氛圍與群臣之間的對話。此顯然受中原史書的影響,很自然地將中原史書中的內容融入於吐蕃史事撰述之中。筆者以為吐蕃受中原史書的影響,應不只此一單例,似仍有其他案例,只是必須於文獻之中抽絲剝繭,方能從蛛絲馬跡中找到線索。吐蕃強盛乃於松贊干布的變法所達成。其於父王遭到毒弒,以十餘歲沖齡踐位,從懲治凶手,經一統西藏高原,建立王朝體制,到成為《新唐書》所稱之「西域諸國共臣之」的強國,經過時間並不長,即在數十年間改造了吐蕃。吾人試問松贊干布究竟用了那些方法?制定了那些辦法?推動了那些改變?使得吐蕃有若脫胎換骨。而且上述吐蕃圖強之術,究竟是松贊干布自己與大臣所構思策劃而成?還是從某些載記上效法得來?抑或是吐蕃史官借自中原史籍記載,轉換成吐蕃的歷史敘事?上述即為本文所欲追索的主旨,希望從《敦煌古藏文卷子》所記載松贊干布的圖強之術,與《史記》所載同樣在短時間內圖強的秦國變法之間,找到相似性,進而探討二者間可能的關連性。
In the fourth chapter of the Old Tibetan Chronicle (P.T.1287) of the Touen-huang Old Tibetan Documents, the account of the discussions held between the Tibetan king and his officials uses the framework of the story “Mao Sui Recommends Himself” from the “Biography of the Lord of Pingyuan” in the Shih-chi to illustrate the atmosphere of the court of gNam-ri-srong-brtsan and the dialogue between ruler and officials. That content from a Chinese history was quite naturally incorporated into a narrative of Tibetan historical events is clear evidence of the influence of Chinese historical texts. This paper suggests that this is likely not the only instance of such influence in Tibet; other instances may be found, but only through painstaking examination of the documents can we tease out the threads of the story. Tibet during the T’ang period reached a high point of power and prosperity owing to the reforms of bTsan po Srong btsan sgam po. When his father gNam-ri-srong-brtsan was assassinated by poison, Srong btsan sgam po ascended the throne as a teenager. In a short period of time he transformed Tibet; from taking revenge on his father's murderers by exterminating their families, through reunifying the Tibetan plateau and establishing the institutional structure of a dynasty, to making Tibet into the powerful country that the Hsin T’ang Shu described as “receiving the submission of all countries of the Western region,” he took only a few decades. How did he do this? What measures did he take? What changes did he make that allowed Tibet to undergo such profound change? Most especially, were the numerous tactics adopted to make Tibet powerful the result of the careful strategizing of Srong btsan sgam po and his officials? Or were the ideas taken from historical records? Could it even be that the Tibetan officials who oversaw state histories and records borrowed China's historical works and documents and made them their own? This paper attempts to address the above questions. It examines the records found in the Touen-huang [Dunhuang] Old Tibetan Documents of Srong btsan sgam po's tactics, and compares them with similar records in the Shih-chi of the political reforms adopted by the Qin dynasty to strengthen the state in a short period of time. It looks for any similarities and further discusses possible connections between the two. |