賽考利克泰雅語的音節結構與元音串修補策略

Syllable Structure and Hiatus Resolution in Squliq Atayal

本文透過優選理論來解釋賽考利克泰雅語的音節結構與元音串修補策略，並針對Huang (2006) 的論文，提出以音拍為主的另類分析。我們尤其認為在 Huang (2006) 中所忽略的制約，即禁止長元音及音節尾等制約，其實扮演了重要的角色，除了能衍生所測試到的模式之外，也對泰雅語的音序提供了具洞見性的看法。另一方面，本文顯示Huang (2006) 所運用的制約乃屬於狹隘表層－－真實模式的陳述，不應以具原則性的優選理論釋之。本文也指出及處理 Huang (2006) 在分析上的缺失，並由此闡明比較表足以點出這些缺失以及類似的錯誤分析。

The present work offers an Optimality-Theoretic account of syllable structure and hiatus resolution in Squliq Atayal. I concentrate on presenting a mora-based alternative to the analysis of Huang (2006). In particular, I argue that constraints banning long vowels and codas—both ignored in Huang’s study—play a crucial role in deriving the attested patterns and in providing a more insightful approach to Atayal phonotactics. On the other hand, constraints employed by Huang (2006) are shown to be statements of parochial surface-true patterns that should not figure in a principled Optimality Theory (OT) account. Other flaws in the analysis offered by Huang (2006) are identified and addressed, illustrating the power of comparative tableaux in spotting these and similar analytical mistakes.