篇章表徵理論之等級含意分析：整體的觀點

Global Approach to Scalar Implicatures in DRT

過去文獻對於等級含意究竟來自部分或整體一直是爭議的議題，本文認為表面上看起來是來自部分結構的含意可由整體觀點之代詞約束或者貢獻約制取得，因此認為等級含意並未與句法結構相應。本文採用篇章表徵理論論證等級含意之整體的觀點，根據語用學量的原則，等級含意得到最小的意涵，而在言談過程中，有些變數受到約制，有些條件被刪除，等級含意之整體觀點涵蓋部分觀點，或者來自句子以外之意涵，最後得到的最大意涵既來自於貢獻約制或者可能性。

It has been disputed whether scalar implicatures (=SIs) arise globally or locally. Basically, SIs should be global because they are calculated by comparing the strengths of whole alternative statements arising from a scalar set. On the other hand, localists claim that local SIs are sometimes favored and they are obtained by applying an operator to part of a statement. In this paper, I show that seemingly local SIs are effects that follow from anaphoric bindings of some variables in global SIs or from the contributiveness constraint. Moreover, some SIs do not correspond to any clause-type syntactic structures. In this paper, I propose an analysis of SIs within the discourse representation theory. The maxim of quantity provides the basic SI, which is the weakest one. The basic SI undergoes some processes in which some variables can be bound or some conditions are eliminated. In these processes, global SIs get the effects of local SIs, and some SIs arise from non-sentential constituents. Then among the resulting meanings, we get the strongest possible meanings, restricted by contributiveness conditions and likelihood.