近似次級謂語結構：以漢語「V–起來」為例

An Approximation to Secondary Predication Structure: A Case of V-qilai in Mandarin Chinese

本研究重新考察漢語中廣被探討的「V–起來」結構。本文首先將「V–起來＋謂語」的結構與動詞「起來」並作為啟動詞素「－－起來」加以區別，乃因後兩者並無選擇補語。之後依照「V–起來」所選擇之補語歸納出三種「V–起來＋謂語」句型：（一）描述性補語、（二）賓語取向的描述謂語、（三）子句（提升結構），並提出統一的次級謂語結構來總括此三類補語。再者，本文檢視台灣中央研究院現代漢語平衡語料庫，與近代漢語標記語料庫所出現的「V–起來」，依據上述加以分類。結果顯示，典型動詞或啟動詞素「──起來」的出現頻率遠大於「V–起來＋謂語」。此現象表示，此三類謂語不應視為特殊的結構，而為正在形成的結構。而此語法化的過程，因經濟原則，採用了漢語現成的次級謂語結構。本文的分析也佐證了歷時演進之語法化與主觀化現象。

This study re-examines the widely studied V-qilai ‘rise-come’ construction in Mandarin Chinese. It first distinguishes V-qilai + predicate construction from the lexical verb qilai and -qilai as a lexical inchoative morpheme, which do not require an additional complement. In addition, three variations of the V-qilai + predicate pattern are identified according to the complement functions: namely (i) a descriptive complement, (ii) an object-oriented descriptive predicate, and (iii) a proposition clause (raising construction). These three variants are subsumed under and accounted for by the proposed uniformed secondary predication structure, while vary with their respective complement structures. In addition, the occurrences of V-qilai were drawn from Academia Sinica Corpus. Based on the above classification, it is shown that there is a far greater preponderance of canonical qilai usages over the V-qilai + complement ones, indicating that the latter patterns are still emerging in the language. In the course of the development, they utilize the secondary predication structure. Hence, the variations of the V-qilai construction should not be treated as being construction specific or idiosyncratic. Thus, the proposed analysis provides a natural and well-motivated account in terms of economy. Moreover, synchronic cline of grammaticality can be correlated with grammaticalization and subjectification, as evidenced by the occurrences drawn from corpora of Modern and Early Mandarin Chinese.