廉江粵語動詞後置成分「倒」的來源和發展──從語言接觸的角度為切入點

The Origin and Development of the Post-verbal “dǎo” in Lianjiang Yue: A Language Contact Perspective

廣東西部的廉江是一個語言複雜的地區：流行的漢語方言，有粵語、客語和閩南語。本文以新修訂的「接觸引發的語法化」理論為框架，解釋廉江粵語如何從客語中把動詞後置成分「倒」的多功能性複製過來。通過比較，我們認定廉江粵語「倒」的多功能性無法通過語言內部發展去作理解。廉江地區的客語和粵語接觸頻繁，而「倒」的多功能性在客語中是一個普遍的現象，因此可以推斷：廉江粵語「倒」的部分功能是由於跟鄰近客語接觸而產生的，其採用的模式是「複製語法化」。本文詳細解釋「複製」的過程，並指出「複製」在漢語方言中的特徵。

Lianjiang in western Guangdong is a linguistically complex city, where most people are bilingual or multilingual, leading to intensive language contact. In this paper, we adopt the revised theory of “contact-induced grammaticalization” to account for the replication of the post-verbal element “dǎo” (lexical meaning: “to arrive”) from Lianjiang Hakka (LJH) to Lianjiang Yue (LJY). This element in LJY covers a wide-range of functions. Through the comparison between Early Yue and LJY, we argue that the poly-functionality of “dǎo” in the latter is not a direct result of language internal development. Since LJH and LJY have been in prolonged contact, and the poly-functionality of “dǎo” is commonly attested in Hakka (but not in Yue), we have good reason to claim that the said feature has been transferred from Hakka to Yue. We also discuss the progress and mechanism of such “replication”, and point out the characteristics of “replication” in Chinese dialects.