賽德克語太魯閣方言之「伴同」與「並列」結構

Comitative and Coordinate Constructions in Truku Seediq

本文探討賽德克語太魯閣方言之伴同與並列結構。賽德克語屬於台灣南島語泰雅語群之亞群。我們觀察到這些結構相互關聯的三個詞素：即前置詞deha，伴同格位標記ka，以及並列連接詞ni。文中提出在伴同相關結構中出現的deha 屬於不同的語法範疇，區分作為前置詞的deha，以及可當動詞或名詞之數詞deha「二」；並分析出在包含式結構中的deha 乃屬於數詞。前置詞deha 與伴同格位標記ka 在句法上呈互補分布，後者在主詞為附著代名詞時出現。其次介紹本方言中的對等及對比並列結構。前置詞deha 與連接詞ni 在分布上之差異亦有所比較。本方言最常使用的對等並列連接詞ni 可以出現在所連接的名詞之間或只出現在最後連接的名詞之前。從類型學的角度而言，本方言之連接詞在名詞組中的位置屬於 [A co][B] 之類型。再者，依據Stassen (2000) 研究並列名詞組所提出的分類，賽德克語太魯閣方言乃屬於AND-語言類型。

This paper focuses on the comitativity-related constructions and coordination in the Truku dialect of Seediq, a Formosan language belonging to the Atayalic group. Regarding comitativity and coordination, three morphemes are found to be structurally involved: deha as the comitative preposition, ka as the comitative case marker, and ni as the conjunctive coordinator. deha in comitativity-related constructions belongs to different grammatical categories. The deha in inclusory constructions is analyzed as the numeral ‘two’. deha is in complementary distribution with the comitative case marker ka and their occurrence depends on the pronominal status of the subject. This paper also presents both conjunctive and disjunctive coordination. The syntactic distribution of the preposition deha and the coordinator ni is also compared. The coordinator ni is used as monosyndeton and polysyndeton. Typologically speaking, coordination in Truku Seediq shows that the position of the coordinator ni in relation to the other coordinands is the type of [A co][B], based on the criterion of intonational phrasing. Following Stassen’s (2000) typological study on noun phrase conjunction, this paper concludes that Truku Seediq is an AND-language.