當婦運衝撞國家：婦權會推動性別主流化的合縱連橫策略

When the Women’s Movement Confronts the State: Multiple Strategies for Promoting Gender Mainstreaming

台灣行政院自2005 年開始實施性別主流化計畫，第五屆與第六屆婦女權益促進委員會（以下簡稱婦權會）（2005 至2009 年）是主要推手。本文以這兩屆婦權會委員在國家體制內推動性別主流化的合縱連橫為例，探討婦運行動者如何藉由政治機會結構的轉變，以及運用社會資本累積和情感工作，開創新型的性別政治介入模式，促使性別主流化融入國家機制的運作中。本文研究發現，婦運者集體進駐的第五、六屆婦權委員，是一個自律性高、互信關係強、團結合作的運動團體，她們積極聯結體制內外的婦運者網絡，建立厚實的結合型資本，將婦權會營造成婦運的蹲點；另外，她們利用政治結構機會的轉變，運用多元策略，獲得總統與行政院長的支持，建立與行政院官員的制度性溝通平台；同時透過情感工作歷程，與公務體系產生信任與合作的橋接型資本，公務體系開始出現女性主義官僚。由於與政府部門之間有互信、互惠、經常性網絡的社會資本，婦權會的行動力與影響力因而提高，得以建立許多性別平等相關制度。最後，本研究的發現提供理論與實務上三項意義：(1) 打破社會運動與體制政治在策略與目標的二分想像；(2) 運用社會資本增強婦運與國家的關係以提高婦權會的治理功能；(3) 回應國家女性主義辯論，建議婦運與婦權會的理念型關係。

Gender mainstreaming by the Taiwanese government began in 2005 under the Executive Yuan, with work spearheaded by the Committee of Women’s Rights Promotion (CWRP) during its 5th and 6th terms (2005-2009). This paper examines the alliance strategies that women’s activists in the CWRP adopted to promote gender mainstreaming within the state during that period. By exploiting changes in the political opportunity structures, creating social capital, and exercising emotion work, these activists, a group empowered by strong mutual trust and a high level of selfdiscipline, were able to bring about concrete institutional changes. They successfully built the CWRP into a habitat for women’s movements, reaching out to other feminist networks both inside and outside the state to create solid bonding social capital. At the same time, taking advantage of the shifting political opportunity structures, they managed to win the support of the President and the Premier and institutionalize communication channels with high-level officials in the Executive Yuan; the use of emotion work to create bridging social capital helped them earn civil servants’ trust, even leading to the emergence of femocrats. As trust, mutual benefits and regular networking between these women’s activists and government departments accumulated, the CWRP’s executive power and influence increased, leading to the establishment of many gender equality institutions. This paper discusses three theories and their significances in practice: (1) the dichotomous differentiation of social movement and institutional politics, and how it can be broken; (2) social capital, and how it can strengthen the relationship between the women’s movement and the State and increase the CWRP’s governance capacity; and (3) in response to arguments of state feminism, the suggestion of an ideal type for the relationship between women’s movement and the CWRP.