論狀語的關係化

On Relativizing Adverbials

本文主旨在於討論狀語關係化的議題。我們發現狀語的關係化大致上可分為兩種策略：其一是利用移位起跳的高度；如果狀語合併 (merge) 的位置在vP 階段 (phase)，那麼其移位就不會受到主語論元的干擾。第二項策略則和參與關係化詞項的名詞性有關：在某些特定結構中，運符 (operator) 或變項(variable) 必須為名詞，才能成就修飾語和中心語的依存關係。此外，本文也主張漢語無頭關係句的中心語為一低階的空代詞（亦即只能取代NP，而不能取代DP）；南島語中的相對結構則以主格標記為中心語，合成完整的DP 結構。這項提議和上述兩項策略相結合，則可為漢語、南島語中準分裂句和關係句的分歧現象提供全面性的解釋。

This paper addresses the issue of how adverbial expressions are relativized. We identify two types of strategies for this task across languages: One has to do with the height of the extraction site: In certain constructions, only adverbials merged outside the vP phase are subject to relativization, as it is less likely for them to be blocked by nominative arguments. The other is based on the categorial status of the participants involved in relativization: Namely, they need to be nominal to survive a certain type of construals. It is argued that Chinese headless relatives are headed by an empty pronominal, constituting an NP by default, while Austronesian headless relatives are headed by a (nominative) marker, forming a full-fledged DP. This move, in conjunction with the above strategies, offers a straightforward explanation of various pseudocleft-relative asymmetries observed in Chinese and Austronesian languages.