《荔鏡記》中的雙賓式家族

Families of Ditransitive Constructions in Li Jing Ji

本文從格式語法入手，探討《荔鏡記》中的雙賓式家族。《荔鏡記》是明代嘉靖年間（西元1556 年）刊行的潮泉腔閩南戲文（吳2001）。戲文中有些兩可的詞項的多重功能，不論是否為固有雙賓動詞，用格式語法的理論模式 (Fillmore et al. 1988, Goldberg 1995, Jackendoff 1997, and Kay & Fillmore 1999) 都可以得到合理的解析。雙賓式基本上涉及三個語義角色（即起點、終點、客體），並和句法功能（即主語、直接賓語、間接賓語）有對應關係。論文先討論帶“乞＂、“度＂、“還＂、“與＂和“送＂的雙賓擴展式；這種擴展式和雙賓式有密切的關係。雙賓式可按動詞是否作固有雙賓動詞使用分成兩次類。本文所討論的雙賓擴展式是閩南語（現代漢語亦復如此）相當獨特的類型特徵。這類擴展式是雙賓式和使動的兼語式組成的。真正的雙賓式可能是這種擴展式融合的結果。

This is a construction-based account of families of ditransitive constructions in Li Jing Ji, the sixteenth century script of a play (dating back to AD 1566) written in a mixture of Quanzhou and Chaozhou dialects, two varieties of Southern Min spoken in southern Fujian (Wu 2001). I shall argue that polyfunctionality of some amphibious lexical items, be they inherent ditransitive verbs or otherwise, is amenable to a well motivated treatment in terms of the framework of construction grammar (Fillmore et al. 1988, Goldberg 1995, Jackendoff 1997, and Kay & Fillmore 1999). A ditransitive construction basically involves three semantic roles, viz., source, goal, and theme, in tandem with grammatical functions denoted by subject, direct object, and indirect object. I first examine the extended constructions featuring khit4 乞, thoo7 度, heng5/heng7 還, and yu3 與 as well as sang3 送, which are found to be closely related to ditransitive constructions. Then I explore two types of constructions bearing on the issue of whether the verbs in them are inherently or non-inherently ditransitive. The present paper proposes that the extended construction is a typologically unique feature in Southern Min, Mandarin included. It consists of a ditransitive construction and a pivotal construction. The bona fide ditransitive construction may be a result of conflating the extended construction.