論“得／不”與結果式複合動詞的句法徵性

On de/bu and the Syntactic Nature of Resultative Verbal Compounding

本文以詳盡的句法分析，討論漢語結果式複合動詞結構 (RVC) 中出現在主要動詞 V 及結果動詞 R 間的兩個特殊的中插成份，表可能／能力的情態成份 “得” 和 “不”。這兩個中插成份事實上是一個由在高位的情態動詞主要語 Modal0 認可並投射在 V 和 R 間的內情態主要語 De0。句法中在 “都”－－量化結構及漢語 “A-不-A” 正反問句中出現的阻礙效應在 “得／不” 結果動詞結構裡也發生了類似的阻礙現象。此內情態主要語 De0 與情態動詞主要語Modal0 共同擁有表可能／能力的情態屬性 [M]（[M可能] 或 [M能力]）。本文以“得／不” 結果式複合結構中相同的阻礙效應為證據，提出說明 De0 與 Modal0的關聯性是由 De0 在邏輯形式裡進行 X0/主要語移位至 Modal0 衍生得來，並且 De0 與 Modal0 的依存關係必須遵守局部限制（相對最小關係）的規定。

By presenting a detailed syntactic analysis of two peculiar elements, “potential modality items” de and bu, intervening between the two components, V(erb) and R(esult), of Resultative Verbal Compounds (RVCs) from Mandarin Chinese, this paper argues that there is an inner modal projection De0 generated between V and R licensed by Modal0 and the familiar quantificational intervention/ blocking effects observed in dou-quantifications and A-not-A questions have an analogue in de/bu constructions of RVCs. It is proposed in this paper that the inner modal De0 and Modal0 share the same potential modality feature [M], either [Mpossibility] or [Mability], and the correlation between De0 and Modal0 is derived by an LF X0/headmovement from De0 to Modal0. The dependency between De0 and Modal0 must obey locality constraints (Relativized Minimality) and analogous quantificational intervention effects found in de/bu constructions are given as evidence for the LF X0/head-movement approach.