英文摘要 |
According to Xu Tongqiang 徐通鏘 (1991), there exist three basic types of phonological evolution in Chinese dialects: continuant, discrete and overlapping sound change. This paper argues that: (1) The phonetic value of the ma 麻 II, ma 麻 Ⅲ, and jia 佳 rhymes can respectively be traced back to *o *ia *ai of the Common Wu 吳 dialect, and are the result of continuant change paralleling changes in the Hui 徽 and Old Xiang 湘 dialects. (2) The literary pronunciation of some special characters in the ma Ⅱ and jia rhyme groups show the relationship between rhyming phonemes, which various linguistic sources show were characteristic of the Wu dialect at the time the ”Qieyun” 切韻 was written. (3) Geographical differences in the phonological development of ma Ⅲ *ia are reflected in the modern northern and southern Wu dialects. (4) The reflex tɕio¹ (家 house), regarded as the literary pronunciation of the ma Ⅱ plus jian 見 initial group of characters in Suzhou 蘇州 and Shaoxing 紹興 dialect, is actually a combination of the colloquial final [o] in the local dialect and the northern literary initial [tɕ]. (5) The reflex ka¹ of the ma Ⅱ plus jian initial group, regarded as the colloquial pronunciation of 家 in the Shanghai 上海 and Suzhou dialect, is a result of the old literary pronunciation in northern Mandarin replacing the old local colloquial pronunciation, an origin shared with the colloquial stratum of pronunciation in Lower Yang-tze river Mandarin, Southwestern Mandarin, Gan 贛, and Hakka 客家 and the literary stratum of the Min 閩 dialects. |