論客家話「好X」格式的語法化和主觀化

On the Grammaticalization and Subjectification of the ‘HO+X’ (好X) Construction in Hakka

本文從共時的語料出發，檢視客家話「好X」格式，討論「好NP」、「好VP」、「好AP」等次類格式的特點。首先，根據衍生詞彙理論，分析「好NP」格式中「好」的意義，發現它不單由「好」本身的詞彙語意所承載，還須視「好」和NP 兩者共同組合結果而定。其次，「好VP」格式中「好」的語意和形態句法功能的界定，也須依其所出現的情境而定。當「好」以言者為態度或觀點的來源時，其為義務情態詞，表示「要求」或「允許」的指令意義；若「好」出現在兩個子句之間，是目的子句標記，表示兩個子句間「條件—目的」的關係；當「好」以受事（或工具）為主語，且在概念結構中隱含施事時，「好」則為中間結構標記。接著，論述「好AP」格式中的「好」是一個表主觀增量的情態副詞。本文論證「好」的詞類轉變與語意延伸的動因主要始自主觀性的表達。隨著主觀性的強弱變化，所採取的相對應的主觀化形式也不同。

This study provides a synchronic analysis of the Hakka ‘HO+X’ (好X) construction, which can be subdivided into ‘HO+NP’, ‘HO+VP’, and ‘HO+AP’ subconstructions. Following generative lexicon theory, it is argued that the interpretation of HO in the ‘HO+NP’ construction is not determined by the inherent lexical semantics of HO, but by the co-composition of HO and the NP. Likewise, the grammatical environment of HO in the ‘HO+VP’ construction is crucial in interpreting its semantics and in defining its morphosyntactic categories. When it appears in a sentence in which the speaker is the source of modal attitudes, HO, as a deontic modal, involves requirement or permission. When it occurs between two clauses, HO serves as a purpose clause marker, indicating the condition-purpose relation between the two clauses. As a middle construction marker, HO occurs in a sentence whose subject is a patient (or an instrument) and whose agent is implicit in the conceptual structure. In the ‘HO+AP’ construction, HO is a modal adverb expressing strengthened subjective quantity. Finally, we suggest that the primary motivation for the categorical shift and semantic extension of HO is the need for expressing speakers’ subjectivity, and that the corresponding subjectified forms are determined by the degree of subjectification. The mechanisms involved here include reanalysis and analogy.