賽考利克泰雅語之虛化研究

Grammaticalization in Squliq Atayal

泰雅語是台灣南島語的一支，本篇論文主要探討該語言之賽考利克方言虛化現象。文中所檢視的虛化現象包括動詞musa’/mosa’,wal/wayal, nyux/cyux虛化為標示時貌語氣之助動詞；動詞malax之非主事焦點形式laxi虛化為否定詞；敘說動詞mha虛化為補語標記及跡象標記；第三人稱代名詞hiya’虛化為強調標記；疑問詞nanu’虛化為填補標記等。上述這些詞現階段都是一詞多義，其原有意義都比較具體，後續衍生的意義則都比較抽象，且大都為語法功能。

Atayal is an Austronesian language spoken in Taiwan. This paper presents a descriptive study of the grammaticalization in Squliq Atayal, one of the two major dialects of the language. Several examples of grammaticalization in the named dialect are examined, including (i) verbs like musa’/mosa’, wal/wayal, nyux/cyux being grammaticalized into auxiliaries designating tense/aspect/mood; (ii) the locative focus (LF) form of the verb malax as used in negative and/or imperative constructions, i.e. laxi, serving as a negator; (iii) the ‘saying’ verb mha being treated as a complementizer and an evidential marker; (iv) the 3rd person singular pronoun hiya’ serving as an emphatic marker; and (v) the interrogative word nanu’ functioning as a pause filler. The original meanings of the above-mentioned words are relatively concrete, and the new meanings are more abstract and have more grammatical functions. It is also noticed that these words are all polysemous; that is, their original meanings/functions co-exist with later developed ones. 泰雅語是台灣南島語的一支，本篇論文主要探討該語言之賽考利克方言虛化現象。文中所檢視的虛化現象包括動詞musa’/mosa’,wal/wayal, nyux/cyux虛化為標示時貌語氣之助動詞；動詞malax之非主事焦點形式laxi虛化為否定詞；敘說動詞mha虛化為補語標記及跡象標記；第三人稱代名詞hiya’虛化為強調標記；疑問詞nanu’虛化為填補標記等。上述這些詞現階段都是一詞多義，其原有意義都比較具體，後續衍生的意義則都比較抽象，且大都為語法功能。