日治時代臺灣地域社會的空間結構及其發展機制－－以民雄地方為例

The Spatial Structure and the Developmental Mechanism of Taiwan's Territorial Society during the Japanese Era: Case of Ming-hsiung

本文的主要目的，在探討日本時代臺灣地域社會的發展機制，企圖回答一個單純的問題，即「地域社會的建立如何成為可能？」藉以了解日本時代臺灣社會，在傳統的血緣化、原鄉化之外的地域化構成原理。文中「地域社會」一詞，係指「以一定空間範圍為基礎，建立和維繫人群關係的社會」，或所謂「土親」社會。日本領臺初期，完成土地調查，建立地理系統，並以空間範圍明確的大小字，作為編成行政、警備，以及各種社會教化機關管轄區域的基本單位，從而奠定臺灣地域社會發展的契機。日本時代的臺灣下級行政，於大正九年（1920）發展至街庄制後，管轄區域不再變動。庄民在明確的空間範圍內，透過庄役場、庄協議會、信用組合、方面委員、共榮會等以庄域為界線的政治、經濟和社會活動，而結合成一體。街庄轄區遂構成地域社會發展的第一層空間，即「街庄民空間」。日治時代臺灣的派出所是地方警察機關，壯丁團是地方自衛團體，而保甲是輔助警察的地方自治團體。明治四十二年（1909），壯丁團和保甲按照派出所的管轄區域編成後，壯丁團員和保甲民以派出所轄區為界線，在警察的支配下，共同參與各種保防、警戒、修橋、舖路、救災等活動，藉由互動、認同而結合成一體。派出所轄區遂成為地域社會發展的第二層空間，是謂「警察官空間」。日治時代臺灣的大小字，是由國家劃分的基本地理或空間單位。自明治三十七年（1904）查定後，字內或部落內居民，經由保甲、青年團、國語講習所、農事實行組合、部落自治振興會、區及部落會等以字界為範圍的各種社會教化活動，逐漸滋生休戚與共的意識，而結合成一體。字的空間範圍，遂形成地域社會發展的第三層空間，是謂「部落民空間」。這三層空間，不但層次分明，界限清楚，而且統合內疊；既成為國家深入民間、行使權力的管道，亦提供地方人民建立和發展不同層次地域社會的場域。

The paper aims at exploring the mechanism for the development of Taiwan's territorial society during the Japanese era. The key question is how the territorial society was made it possible. By understanding the aforementioned process, we obtain the picture concerning the nature of social formation based on territory, which deviates from the traditional criteria grounded on kinship or places of origin. The term, territorial society, implies here a society rooted on a specific geographical space for the founding and maintaining of people's interrelationships. The land survey and geographical systems established afterward during the early stage of the Japanese era clarified the units of daxiaozi (大小字) with demarcated geographical spaces, which turned out to be the rudimentary spatial elements for administration, policing, as well as all sorts of socio-educational institutes. The system later initiated the development of Taiwan's territorial society. The local administration in Taiwan became stabilized in 1920 after the jiezhuangzhi (街庄制) was well-developed. Within the exclusive geographical space of jiezhuang (街庄), people participated in political, economic and social activities through landed associations such as zhuangyichang (庄役場), zhuangxieyihui (庄協議會), xinyongzuhe (信用組合), fangmianweiyuan (方面委員), gongronghui (共榮會) and gradually developed a sense of unity. The administrative unit of jiezhuang (街庄) thus constituted the first-level spatial component of the territorial society, termed the space of jiezhuangmin (街庄民). During the Japanese era paichusuo (派出所) there was the local police institute zhuangdingtuan (壯丁團) and the local militia for self-defense and baojia (保甲), which was the local autonomous institute mainly assisting the police institute. Zhuangdingtuan (壯丁團) and baojia (保甲) were organized according to the district of paichusuo (派出所) in 1909. The members of both groups participated in all kinds of police-designated activities and gradually developed a sense of common identity. The district of paichusuo (派出所) thus became the second-level spatial component of the territorial society, namely the space of jingchaguan (警察官). The units of daxiaozi (大小字) were the basic state-allocated geographical units in the Japanese era. After 1904 the residents within the units also developed a sense of common identity through various activities such as baojia (保甲), qingniantuan (青年團), kuoyujiangxisuo (國語講習所), nongshishixingzuhe (農事實行組合), buluozizhizhenxinghui (部落自治振興會), qu ji buluohui (區及部落會). The unit therefore turned out to be the third-level spatial component for territorial society, called the space of buluomin (部落民). The three spatial components owned their own distinct and independent boundaries without transgressing each other, while at the same time each of them constituted different hierarchical levels for spatial demarcation. They all served as the spatial channels where the state exerted their coercive power into the local society, as well as the places where the local people developed different hierarchical levels of territorial society.