從喃字材料看單音節化的過程-修訂和更新-

DISYLLABICITY IN VIETNAMESE IN THE EARLY SECOND MILLENNIUM AS SEEN IN TEXTUAL EVIDENCE

儘管許多研究人員指出喃字材料中保留了1.5音節性的痕跡（Shimizu 1998；Nguyễn T.C. 2008；Gong 2017；Phan 2020），但喃字創建時的音節結構是否保持1.5音節：（C.CVC（/T））或完全變成單音節：（CV/T + CVC/T）尚未討論。本研究通過對漢越文《Phật thuyếtđại báo phụmẫuân trọng kinh佛說大報父母恩重經》中的133個二字詞素的再分析，發現至少有10個案例有力地支持了喃字字出現時1.5音節結構仍然存在的假設，因為第二個字的漢越音聲母都是爆破音，這顯示了1.5音節結構的前擦音化階段。（e.g.,司盃vui“高興”: *C.puːj [盃bôi（幫母*p-）];个対dối“說謊”: *p.to:jʔ[対đối（端母*t-）];个胲gãy“折斷”: *C.kɛs [胲cải（見母*k-）];个些ra“出去”: *-saː[些ta（心母*s-）]）.

Although traces of sesquisyllabicity preserved in Nôm materials have been pointed out by several researchers (Shimizu 1996; Nguyễn T.C. 2008; Gong 2017; Phan 2020), if the syllable structure in itself at the time of the creation of the Nôm orthography remained truly sesquisyllabic (C.CVC(/T)) or had become completely monosyllabic (CV/T + CVC/T) has not been discussed yet. In this study, through the reanalysis of 133 cases of two-character morphemes in the Sino-Vietnamese version of Phật thuyếtđại báo phụmẫuân trọng kinh佛説大報父母恩重經, I have found at least 10 cases which strongly support the hypothesis that true sesquisyllabic structure still existed at the time when the Nôm characters in the material were created, because the onsets of the Sino-Vietnamese readings of the second characters are all plosives, which indicates the pre-spirantization stage of the sesquisyllabic structure (e.g.,司盃vui‘to be happy’: *C.puːj [盃bôi (幫母*p-)];个対dối‘to lie’: *p.to:jʔ[対đối (端母*t-)];个胲gãy‘to break’: *C.kɛs [胲cải (見母*k-)];个些ra‘to go out’: *-saː[些ta (心母*s-)].