湘語的量名結構，從類型學到形式化

BARE-CLASSIFIER CONSTRUCTIONS IN XIANG (SINITIC): FROM TYPOLOGY TO FORMALIZATION

漢語量名結構在名詞前面只有量詞而沒跟隨數詞或指示代詞的時候，展演一套句法與語意的複雜相互作用。此結構與指稱狀況標記相關聯，表面上對於能用在何處及何種演繹只存在任意的限制。本研究介紹湘語方言中量名結構的變化，從而推展湘語量詞結構的類型學（套用 Wang 2015 的類型學研究），以納入制約優選理論的形式化框架。從所得句法與語意制約推論，量名結構並不標記指稱狀況，而是限制名詞的指稱詮釋可能性，同時只會直接標記度量單位。本文通過四個湘語方言作為代表︰長沙、湘鄉、婁底和漣源，展示量名結構從全部語境通用，到只能用於動詞後的無定指稱的廣闊多樣性。形式化論述兼用句法-語意雙向優選理論的制約闡釋有效地捕捉到類型學趨勢。

The Sinitic ‘bare-classifier’ construction, where a noun follows a classifier without an accompanying numeral or demonstrative, demonstrates a complex interplay of syntax and semantics; associated with reference marking, the construction displays seemingly arbitrary restrictions on where it can occur and with what interpretation. This study introduces the variation of bare-classifier constructions among Xiang dialects, developing a typology of Xiang classifier constructions (drawing from typological work in Wang 2015) and formalizing this in a constraint-based OT framework. Syntactic and semantic constraints lead to the conclusion that bareclassifier constructions do not ‘mark’ reference, but rather restrict the possible referential interpretations available to the noun, while only directly marking individuation. The present paper explores bare-classifier constructions across four representative Xiang dialects: Changsha, Xiangxiang, Loudi, and Lianyuan, chosen as they represent a spectrum moving from full licensing of the bareclassifier construction in all contexts, to sole licensing of postverbal indefinites. Formalization of the observed variation following bidirectional OT syntaxsemantics is shown to efficiently capture the typological trends observed.