| 英文摘要 |
Reflecting on youth culture studies' frequent focus on the spectacular rather than the mundane aspects of everyday life (Bennett, 2015), this study applies theoretical reconstruction and empirical research to sketch out some of the current profiles of young people in Taiwan. Traditionally, popular music research typically relies on cultural studies rather than sociological approaches (Bennett, 2008) and rarely involves discussions of music sociology in Taiwan particularly. On the other hand, with the impact of social change and media technology, the practice of cultural consumption and taste has moved far away from Bourdieu's (1984) social hierarchy of 'distinction', bringing forth the phenomenon of cultural omnivorousness (Peterson & Kern, 1996; DiMaggio & Mukhtar, 2004). Youth culture is also not all about 'resistance' or reflection for the social class, but more about the complex interplay between self-identity, consumer sovereignty, and commerce. The 'omnivore' is a characteristic of today's consumer society, with many young people switching frequently between mandopop, western rock, new folk, indie bands, and hip-hop, presenting a diverse and overlapping musical identity. Equally, they are not all obsessed fans nor are they experts or 'devoted' music lovers, yet few studies have delved into these ordinary experiences within the context of everyday life. This article begins with a critical review of youth culture studies and points to recent scholarly reflections on subcultures, particularly the tradition represented by Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS). DeNora, Hennion, Born and others are seen as a recent aesthetic turn in music sociology (Hanquinet& Savage, 2015) and new directions (Shepherd and Devine, 2015), critiquing the reflexive engagement of listeners with music, which has not yet received much attention from academics. Prior (2013, p. 189) describes it as a shift from a general sociology of how people are constrained by social structures to a sociology concerned with 'how people do things with music', highlighting the importance of the 'mediation' and 'amateuring' orientation. Finally, the musical experiences of young people at the University of C are used as an example to discuss the characteristics of these transformations. It is proposed that a sociology of mediation towards amateurs could expand the scope of audience research. The empirical study is based on questionnaires from 104 participants and analyzed in conjunction with in-depth interview data from 18 participants in the field. The sample has its limitations, characterized by more or less middle-class, relatively advantaged, and intellectual conditions. This empirical study focuses on two main directions: (1) the relationship between music experience and its personal biography, especially from childhood to the present day, so as to review their musical experiences around family, school, and social worlds. (2) The use and the positioning of music in everyday life. There are six aspects of analysis (1) Discussion of how respondents encounter music, especially as a family activity, as opposed to appreciative listening. (2) Exploration of how peers and friends use music for social and identity reasons as they grow up. (3) To reflect on the ambivalence of school music for young people and to outline the displacement of tastes. (4) To further address how young people express and perform their emotions through music. (5) To explore how they have rapidly expanded their musical preferences in the Internet age through multiple approaches, reflecting and symbioticizing through digitalized identity. (6) Discussion of how they play music through school societies' participations. We shall reflect on the relationships between music, amateurship, and cultural capital. The study finds that respondents' experiences of music are inextricably linked to family, school networks, and technological changes, with family activities being the beginning of their exposure to music, but the influence of peers and media may be even more crucial. Music is both a mediating agent of communication and the repertoire of it (Hennion, 2003) to support family activities, socialization, friendship, and identity (DeNora, 2000). Music is a means in the development of their self-identity, and the renewal and dramatic changes in media technology are taking place at a time when the Internet Generation (iGen) is growing up. This suggests that members of iGen are likely to be more capable and active in experiencing different genres of music, in contrast to their experience of western art music in schools, with its focus on music history and theory. Listening to music is thus not an isolated form of contemplation or appreciation, but rather a 'technology of the self' (DeNora, 2000): a means of expressing their ineffable emotions as well as strengthening and isolating them. In addition, young people develop their talents through music and raise a growing awareness that music is not only a 'form of entertainment', but also intellectual capital leading the 'great minority' among them (Riseman, 1960) to continue to enjoy it and to invest more enthusiasm in it, especially among the elite university students in this case. Some of them may have 'progressed' from 'entertainment listener' to 'expert' or 'good listener', presenting a hierarchy of 'intellectual orientation' or seeing it as 'self-performance', while others continue to see music as 'entertainment', 'emotional listening', or 'cultural consumer' (Adorno, 1976), presenting a complex overlap with differences in knowledge, performativity, and cultural capital. As an exploratory study, this paper identifies youth's musical experiences via DeNora's sociological interactionism, meaning that the significance of music is determined within the act, rather than according to its social origin (e.g., Bourdieu) or the correspondence of musical texts, which is usually the orientation of musicologists. This study takes a different approach by connecting the vein of youth studies, subcultural sociology, and the unexplored. Through the Adorno typology of audience, the sociology of music has recently been regarded as an 'aesthetic turn' and related to 'knowledge', 'experience and feeling', and 'consumption and self-performance', in order to avoid generalization, which may be a new direction in the local context. The University of C's experience in action has helped to initiate a dialogue between theory and local practice, and in particular to reflect on how the agendas of communication and sociology can intervene in musical matters. This paper concludes that we can see music as an activity rather than a work and, as Hennion (2010) suggests, move towards a more pragmatist understanding by which to develop a mediated music sociology for the amateur, by delving into how listeners reflexively construct subjectivity and the musical experience and building an area of mediation research that can inform an audience paradigm in communication research. For sociologists, music sociology can be considered in the light of the changing times, and our research of music can shift from 'sociology of music' to 'sociology with music' (Prior, 2015, p. 354), in order to give the music a more subjective dimension and to explore more aspects of the music for lovers, social use, and interaction. |
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