突尼西亞憲政體制的選擇與運作：阿拉伯世界半總統制民主國家的個案研究

The Choice and Operation of Constitutional Systems in Tunisia: A Case Study of Democratic Semi-Presidentialism in the Arab World

突尼西亞是公認阿拉伯地區唯一的民主國家，其憲政體制的選擇和運作，無論在理論或現實上應都相當具有探討的價值，但學術文獻對此較缺乏系統的研究。並且，既有憲政體制選擇的理論主要奠基於本世紀前各國憲政發展經驗，對於二十一世紀突尼西亞這個新興半總統制民主個案的解釋有其限制，因此本文試圖補充既有研究的不足。突尼西亞其半總統制的形成，與諸多第三波民主化國家經驗有別，是由原本即公民直選產生總統的強人總統制轉型為弱化總統權力的半總統制民主，這在本世紀全球憲政體制的轉型經驗中相對罕見，在阿拉伯世界中目前也是絕無僅有。此種制度的形成，既是各政黨勢力的妥協，也是有意識的憲政選擇結果。在憲法規範上屬於半總統制次類型中的非典型「總理總統制」。本文進一步藉由分析新憲法實施後歷次政府的組成和運作，並探討其中選舉制度和政黨政治的作用，以及總統與總理權限爭議事件和2021年7月爆發的最新憲政危機事件，呈現該國半總統制實際運作處於「分權妥協」與「總統優越」兩種模式的拉鋸狀態。最後，突尼西亞作為新興民主政體，其憲政爭議的根源雖然不完全是制度因素所造成，包括總統個人以及政黨政治等非制度因素在內，也扮演重要的或是更直接的影響因素，惟憲政制度的檢討，似乎是該國難以避免的爭議課題。突尼西亞民主之路上半總統制的前景，是憲政制度研究相當值得持續關注的議題。

"Tunisia is recognized as the only democracy in the Arab region, and the choice and operation of its constitutional system should be of great theoretical and practical value, but there is a lack of systematic research on this topic in the academic literature. Moreover, the existing theories of constitutional choice are mainly based on the experience of constitutional development in the pre-century countries and have their limitations in explaining the case of Tunisia in the 21st century. The formation of a semi-presidential system in Tunisia differs from the experience of many third-wave democracies in that it is a transformation from a strongman presidential system in which the citizens directly elected the president to a semi-presidential democracy in which the power of the president is reduced. This is relatively rare in the global experience of constitutional transformation in this century, and is currently unique in the Arab world.The formation of such a system is the result of both a compromise between the institutional preferences of the political parties and a conscious constitutional choice. In terms of constitutional norms, it is an atypical“premier-presidentialism”within the semi-presidential subtype. By analyzing the composition and operation of the successive governments after the implementation of the new constitution, and by exploring the role of the electoral system and party politics, as well as the controversial incidents of presidential and prime ministerial authority and constitutional crises, this paper presents the tug-of-war between the“compromise of power-sharing”and“presidential supremacy”in the actual operation of the country’s semi-presidential system. Finally, as an emerging democracy, the root causes of constitutional controversies in Tunisia are not entirely institutional, although non-institutional factors, including president himself and party politics, also play an important or more direct role. However, the review of the constitutional system is a topic that continues to be of great concern in the country. The prospect of a semi-presidential system on the road to democracy in Tunisia is an issue of continuing interest for constitutional studies."