| 英文摘要 |
This paper examines phonological correspondences between finals in Early Mandarin and Vietnamese as reflected in Annanguo Yiyu 安南國譯語. The results can be summarized as follows: the Mandarin final ending *-m had already merged with *-n, but *-n was still distinct from *-ŋ. Entering tone stop endings 入聲 had already disappeared and literary and colloquial readings 文白異讀, representing two distinct phonological strata, emerged. Distinctions were also evident between the literary readings of entering tone characters in the Middle Chinese rhyme classes Dàng 宕攝 and Jiāng 江攝 as compared to those of the Zēng 曾攝 and Gěng 梗攝 rhyme classes; that is, the Dàng and Jiāng rhyme classes had rounded vowels, corresponding to 'o'-type vowels in Vietnamese, while those in the Zēng and Gěng had unrounded vowels, corresponding to '˜'-type and 'e'-type vowels in Vietnamese, respectively. Additionally, open 開 and closed 合 rhymes after bilabial initials did not contain any form of distinction. The medial *-w- was dropped after the lateral initial 來母 within the Xiè 蟹攝 and Zhǐ 止攝 rhyme classes, and the final became *-ej. The results of these phenomena are a system of finals that closely resemble Modern Mandarin, or putonghua, and provide important clues for continuing research in the phonological history of Chinese. |