自我毀滅的秘密武器？統合主義對統一戰線的制度性侷限

A Self-Defeating Secret Weapon? The Institutional Limitations of Corporatism on United Front Work

包括中國人在內的許多人，都認為「統戰工作」早在中國共產黨於1949年擊潰國民黨後已經完結。事實是，「統戰工作」遠不只是共產黨人與國民黨人的統合，還包括許多政治團體、海外華人、宗教信仰者等等工作。一些少數政黨和團體（如民主黨派）更在孤立國民黨的統戰策略中發揮著重要角色。在往社會主義過渡的過程中（1950～1956），這些被中共以統一戰線所認證的所謂民主黨派，在幫助與舒緩這一劇烈轉變中也扮演著重要的角色。民主黨派被中共影響與民主黨派對此的怨懟在1956～1957年的「雙百運動」中被釋放出來，但因為中國正在廢除私有財產與階級，這些問題都變得不再重要。之後民主黨派也支持著1970年代晚期所開展的經濟改革，而當今中國社會正變得越來越複雜，也積累了更多新的社經團體，故統戰部門和民主黨派也被要求去代表和聯合這些新團體，從而保衛中共的領導權、並同時促進發展與統一。本文認為那些在1950年代面對的問題仍然存續至今、而且似乎更為加劇，因為中共在選擇合作對象上的過度控制，使得這些團體並不能夠準確地代表新社會團體的利益。推斷這些系統性問題，也有助於解釋統戰部門在預防其他的問題上、例如宗教信仰者和少數民族騷動上能力的缺失。

Many people, including many Chinese, think that united front work is something that finished when the Chinese Communist Party used armed force to defeat the Guomindang (GMD) in 1949. In reality, united front work was always much more than communist-nationalist cooperation and included many political groups, Overseas Chinese, religious believers and the like. It also included a number of minor political parties and groups (MPGs) some of which came to play important roles in CCP united front strategies aimed at isolating the GMD. In the transition to socialism (1950-56) these so-called democratic parties, reorganized by the CCP along corporatist lines, played important roles in helping and smoothing the dramatic changes. Resentments about problems of CCP influence over the MPGs were aired in the Hundred Flowers movement of 1956/57 but as China was moving towards the abolition of private ownership and class, these problems were not important. The MPGs also helped support the economic reforms which began in the late 1970s. Now that Chinese society is increasingly complex and layered with ever more socio-economic groups, the United Front Work Department (UFD) and the parties are being asked to represent and unite with these new groups to secure CCP leadership and promote both development and unity. This article argues that the problems faced in the 1950s still exist but are now more likely to be detrimental in that the CCP's excessive controls on selection do not allow for an accurate enough reflection of the interests of new social groups that the MPGs are now also expected to represent. Extrapolating these systemic problems may also help to explain shortcomings in the UFD's ability to prevent unrest among other key groups such as religious believers and ethnic minorities.