閩南語情態和「得」構式的互動：明清時代早期閩南語到現代台灣閩南語的演變

Interface of Modality and the tit4 得 Constructions in Southern Min: A Case Study of Their Developments from Earlier Southern Min in the Ming and Qing to Modern Taiwanese Southern Min

本文主要從歷時的觀點談論早期閩南文本中兩種「得」構式和肯定否定動前情態詞的互動。從早期文本的語料可以看出，現代複雜動力情態詞是從第一種構式語法化而來。第二種構式反映出明清戲文中方言混雜的現象，根據方言和口語文本的語證可以區分外來層和固有層構式。動前的情態詞「不得」充當情況動力情態詞，是承繼江淮官話的特點。從「得」構式演變可以看出，動前情態詞和動後「得」相互競爭，前者勝出，後者不斷的消耗中。

The paper mainly focuses on examining the two major types of tit4 得 constructions in interaction with preverbal positive or negative modals in Southern Min texts in a diachronic perspective, (1) oe7/boe7 + V + tit4 會/袂 + V + 得 and (2) Neg (modal) + tit4 得. The finding of the present endeavor is that the complex dynamic modal oe7/boe7-hiau2-tit4 會/袂曉得 and the complex deontic modals oe7/boe7-sai2-tit4 會/袂使得 as well as oe7/boe7-eng7-tit4 會/袂用得 have emerged as a result of grammaticalization in modern Taiwanese Southern Min from the first type of tit4 得 constructions attested in earlier Southern Min texts. For Neg (modal) + tit4 得 as the second major type of tit4 得 constructions, I argue for the hybrid nature of Ming and Qing playscripts and a distinction between puʔ5 təʔ5 不得 as an alien modal and boe7-tit4 袂得 as a native modal is drawn on the strength of dialectal and colloquial textual evidence. The preverbal puʔ5 təʔ5 不得 in its function of circumstantial dynamic modal is shown to be inherited from the Jianghuai dialect. The native preverbal boe7-tit4 袂得 also takes on the similar modal function. A noteworthy fact about the evolution of tit4 得 constructions is that there is a competition between preverbal modals and the postverbal tit4 得 in favour of the former since the latter is subject to formal attrition.