非現實語氣與作格性的來源

Ergativity from Subjunctive in Austronesian Languages

本文的主要目標是尋找南島語言作格性（焦點系統）的來源。本文假設原始南島語言是賓格語言（沒有焦點系統），並且假設現代魯凱語保持了原始南島語的賓格性。其他南島語言中的作格性源於另外一個創新。關於南島語言中作格句法特點的來源，本文提出作格格局先出現在原始南島語言的子語原始作格南島語，是非現實句型中的賓語得 到主格的結果。具體來說，原始南島語言中非現實句型中的輕動詞V沒有賦予賓格的能力。原始南島語言非現實句型中的賓語一定要帶介詞，並且通過介詞得到格。本文提出作格南島語支的主要創新是介詞併入動詞。介詞併入導致了非現實句型中的賓語失去了格的來源。因為輕動詞沒有賦予賓格的能力，賓語只能由T賦予主格。這就是南島語言中作格格局的來源。

This paper proposes a diachronic analysis of the origin of the unusual alignment found in Formosan and Philippine languages commonly referred to as a ‘focus’ or ‘voice’ system. Specifically, I propose that Proto- esian (PAn) was an accusative language, an alignment which is preserved in modern Rukai dialects, while the non-accusative alignment found in other Austronesian languages resulted first from the reanalysis of irrealis clause types in a daughter of PAn, which I term ‘Proto-Ergative Austronesian’ (PEAn). Modern Rukai dialects belong to the other primary subgroup and do not reflect the innovation. The main theoretical claim of the proposal is that ergative alignment arises from an accusative system when v is unable to structurally license the object in a transitive clause, and the subject does not value case with T. Since the external argument is licensed independently, T is able to probe past it and exceptionally value nominative case on the object. I propose that irrealis v, which is frequently detransitivized cross-linguistically, was likewise unable to license structural accusative case on an object in PAn and PEAn. Objects in irrealis clauses in PAn were case-marked with a preposition, but this preposition was incorporated to the verb in PEAn. This resulted in the emergence of ergative alignment in irrealis clauses in PEAn, because incorporation of the preposition deprived the object of its case licenser and forced it to be dependent on T for case. The embedded irrealis clause type, which I take to be a kind of subjunctive, was later reanalyzed as the basic transitive clause type in Puyuma and Tsou.