羌語子句的關係化

Relativization in Qiang

本文描寫和討論了羌語八個土語的子句關係化的類型、手段和形態句法特點。羌語子句的關係化並沒有關係代詞，也沒有代詞複指，關係子句在中心名詞之前或之後出現。羌語有留空和完整名詞保留兩種關係化手段和6種不同類型的關係子句。關係子句不能帶句式或者實證標記，關係子句的語調把關係子句當作是一個單獨的單位，關係子句外的限定詞，譬如指示代詞－－數量詞短語，或者定指／不定指－－量詞，或者言談語境是辨別一個子句是否是關係子句的重要線索。中心名詞的語意角色對於選擇關係子句的類型起著重要作用。羌語子句的關係化體現了從關係子句＋名詞→關係子句＋屬格標記＋名詞→名物化子句＋名詞歷史演變的連續過程。

In this paper, we review the strategies of relativization and discuss the different types of relative clauses and morpho-syntactic properties of relative clauses in eight varieties of Qiang. The Qiang language shows six types of relativization in terms of whether there is a head noun or not, and the relative positions of the head noun and relative clause. Double-headed relative clauses are unusual cross-linguistically. Head-internal relative clauses are modified by a demonstrative-(numeral)-classifier/ (in)definite-classifier, which helps readers to identify head-internal relative clause structures as NPs. In Qiang, different nominalizers, the genitive marker, and the definite marking or indefinite marking are used as clues in identifying the clause as relative; the choice of nominalizers or the genitive marker depends on the semantic role of the head in the relative clause. In some varieties of Qiang there are also some relative clauses that are not marked by nominalizers but are marked by person with aspect marking. Similar to English and Mandarin Chinese, almost all NPs, like actor, undergoer, experiencer, destination, instrument, source, location, time, etc., may be relativized on, therefore, there is no restricted neutralization (S/A pivot or S/P pivot) in nominalized relative clauses, while there is restricted neutralization in nonnominalized relative clauses (finite relative clauses), i.e. S/A is the same marking.