英文摘要 |
This paper deals with the morphology, semantics, and grammatical functions of Qionglin place-deixis. Southern Min dialects usually have either tsi / hi or tsit / hit as preposed place-deictics, the latter historically deriving from tsi / hi plus the numeral ‘one’. Most Southern Min dialects attest either one set or the other; e.g., Taiwanese Southern Min and Amoy tsit / hit, Chaozhou tsi / hµ. The Qionglin dialect, however, has both types of place-deictic, functionally differentiated. In Chaozhou and Qionglin, the {deictic + location} phrase expressed using tsi / hi is perfectly grammatical, while this locution is disallowed in TSM and Amoy, since these have lost the first set of place deictics. |