漢語中的重音

Accentualism in Chinese

本文依據受事者與啟動者的行為這兩種形式特徵，提出漢語連調變化的類型學。主要類型有三：第一種受事者在詞彙寄主之內、啟動者為主動；第二種受事者跨越詞彙寄主之外、啟動者為非主動；第三種兼有二者：受事者在詞彙寄主之內而啟動者為非主動。第一種為普通話的特點，第二種為吳語，第三種為閩語。根據這種類型學，我將提出吳語與閩語的重音分析，並論證漢語的重音導源於聲調。漢語的連調變化無關節律。

This paper introduces a typology of tone sandhi in Chinese based on two formal properties of sandhi rule: the behavior of the undergoer and the behavior of the trigger. Three major types are proposed. In Type I, the undergoer is confined to its lexical host, and the trigger is active; in Type II, the undergoer spreads beyond its lexical host, and the trigger is not active. Type III contains properties of both: the undergoer is confined to its lexical host, and the trigger is not active. Type I is characteristic of Mandarin, Type II of Wu, and Type III of Min. Based on the typology, I propose an accentual analysis of Wu and Min, and argue that Chinese accentualism is derived from tone. Chinese tone sandhi is not metrical.