南島語中「內含主要語的關係子句」

Internally Headed Relative Clauses in Austronesian Languages

許多南島語有「主要語在首」(head-initial) 與「主要語在尾」(headfinal)的關係子句，本文指出泰雅語群的賽德克語 (Seediq) 和菲律賓的塔加洛語 (Tagalog) 另有「內含主要語的關係子句」(head-internal relative clauses)，並探討這些語言中，「內含主要語的關係子句」在形式與結構上與其他兩種關係子句的不同點。有證據顯示，在主要語在尾的關係子句中，[D CP] 結構裡的殘餘的TP 移位到 [Spec, DP]，而在「內含主要語的關係子句」的殘餘的TP 則沒有移位。至於「內含主要語的關係子句」的衍生過程，我們提出與Basilico (1996) 相似的主張：關係子句裡的名詞主要語移到子句內的焦點詞組指示語 ([Spec, FP]) 位置，被位於大句子指示語 ([Spec, CP]) 的運符約束。這些語言中的wh-in-situ 與其他牽涉到外在運符約束的句式也有平行的結構，因而支持我們的分析。

It is well known that many Austronesian languages have head-initial and head-final relative clauses. This paper reports that the Atayalic language Seediq and the Philippine language Tagalog additionally have internally headed relative clauses. In this paper, I first identify the formal and structural differences among the three types of relative clause in these languages. In particular, I distinguish the head-final from the head-internal type by showing that the former exhibit evidence of remnant TP movement to [Spec, DP] from a [D CP] structure, as per Kayne’s (1994) proposal for head-final relative clause derivation. The head-internal variety, on the other hand, do not show evidence of movement and therefore qualify as internally headed relative clauses. For their derivation, I propose an analysis similar to Basilico (1996), in which the head nominal moves to a clause-internal position where it can be bound by an operator in [Spec, CP]. Support for this quantificational analysis of Seediq and Tagalog internally headed relative clauses is provided by the fact that parallel structures are employed in these languages for other constructions involving binding from external operators, including wh-in situ and clauses containing weakly quantified arguments.