英文摘要 |
In response to the pervasiveness of biopolitical administration, Robert Esposito urges us to drop the ill-advised vocabulary of left-right politics and dismiss the critical judgment which is still organized in terms of the time-honored binary of democracy and totalitarianism. At the time when the vital process becomes the only end thought worth pursuing, what is at stake, then, is a far more ”profound” clash between naturalization of history and historicization of nature. The birthmark on biopolitics, so to speak, is the trace left by such a clash. From the chiasmatic interpenetration of nature and history, there emerges the dialectical convergence between the politics which tends to relegate itself to the administration of housekeeping, and the life which, while given pride of place among political values, is ironically exposed to the vicissitudes of zoefication. Without such cognizance of the dialectical entanglement between bios and thanatos, it is impossible to imagine an authentic exteriority where the biopolitical immanence can be imploded and transcended. Hannah Arendt is aware of the full scale of the problem entailed in biopolitical administration, so much so that her analysis is more of note than Michel Foucault's wayward discourse. This paper starts with the impossibility of dialogue between Arendt and Foucault. On this ground, I will proceed to the re-examination of the publication of Upton Sinclair's The Jungle and its aftermath. The bad blood between Theodore Roosevelt and Sinclair has been a household story ever since, but the antagonism, I will argue, is actually more apparent than real. Be it Roosevelt's commitment to food safety and population health or Sinclair's preoccupation with the socialist reshaping of society, they both take a stand in favor of, and hence symptomatic of the biopolitical administration. Worthy of note in this regard is Sinclair's incorporation of Nietzsche and Fletcherism into his socialist program, which, along with Roosevelt's obsession with eugenics, enables a glimpse into the glaring lethal implications of the biopolitical governance in the Progressive Era. From this perspective, we should stop ourselves to regard humanitarianism as an adequate response, much less the antidote to the havoc wrought by biopolitics. Generally executed on a humanitarian note, Sinclair's gruesome portrayal of the immigrant workers in Chicago's Packingtown is hence no less a function of the biopolitical killing machine, precisely because it is harnessed to the ongoing fabrication of homo sacer in conformity with the principle of life preservation-a principle that lends fuel to the biopolitical machinery. Little wonder that Alain Badiou, who argues practically along the same line, emphatically takes the condemnation of the life-preservation principle to be a jump-off point for developing an ethical exterior perspective on biopolitical administration. |