泰語子句左端的wh-疑問詞：對比與識別分裂句

Thai Wh-expressions at the Left Edge of the Clause: Contrastive and Identificational Wh-clefts

本研究旨在探討泰語中簡化的對比分裂句與識別(identificational) 分裂句。個人認為一個句子中的單純 (bare) wh-疑問詞若有明顯的wh-移位現象，即是簡化的對比wh-分裂句或識別wh-分裂句。本文首先就語意與句法的層面來討論簡化的對比分裂句，主要的發現有三：其一，只有wh-主語可以作為受分裂的對象 (cleftee)；其二，wh-賓語只有在句中出現被動標記時才可作為受分裂的對象；其三，wh-疑問詞中只有who 可作為受分裂的對象。本文其餘部分則是探討簡化的識別分裂句的wh-疑問語詞在涉及與篇章接連(D-linked)的用法。本研究認為簡化的識別分裂句與一般的識別分裂句具有相同的語意與句法特性。

This paper is concerned with reduced contrastive wh-clefts and reduced identificational wh-clefts. I argue that cases of apparent wh-movement of bare wh-expressions are instances of reduced contrastive wh-clefts and reduced identificational wh-clefts. This paper first deals with the semantics and syntax of reduced contrastive wh-clefts which have the same properties as contrastive wh-clefts. The three major consequences of analyzing apparent cases of wh-movement are considered. First, only wh-subjects can occur as a cleftee. Second, wh-objects can occur as a cleftee only when passive markers are present. Last, only who can occur as a cleftee. These restrictions result naturally from the analysis. The remainder of the paper is devoted to reduced identificational wh-clefts. In particular, they involve clefting of D-linked wh-expressions. I argue that the semantics and syntax of reduced identificational wh-clefts share the same properties as identificational wh-clefts. Two predictions that result from the analysis are discussed. 本研究旨在探討泰語中簡化的對比分裂句與識別(identificational) 分裂句。個人認為一個句子中的單純 (bare) wh-疑問詞若有明顯的wh-移位現象，即是簡化的對比wh-分裂句或識別wh-分裂句。本文首先就語意與句法的層面來討論簡化的對比分裂句，主要的發現有三：其一，只有wh-主語可以作為受分裂的對象 (cleftee)；其二，wh-賓語只有在句中出現被動標記時才可作為受分裂的對象；其三，wh-疑問詞中只有who 可作為受分裂的對象。本文其餘部分則是探討簡化的識別分裂句的wh-疑問語詞在涉及與篇章接連(D-linked)的用法。本研究認為簡化的識別分裂句與一般的識別分裂句具有相同的語意與句法特性。