阿美族親屬制度的再探討：以胆(月曼)部落為例

RECONSIDERATION OF THE AMIS KINSHIP SYSTEM

以往學者多半認為阿美族親屬制度是以母系世系群或氏族為其特徵，但是根據東海岸的一個部落的田野調查與文獻的整理，筆者主張rumalh（家）才是最根本的分析單位。rumalh的特徵也見諸祖靈的祭祀和擁有穀倉兩個要素。換言之，向來主張是母系世系群或氏族的親屬群實際上是經由留在rumalh的女性成員招入男子，再透由本、分家的關聯銜接而成的。此外，婚出者的子女與前者之生家之間有密切的關係。分析此種關係，也顯示出男子在祭祀上的優越性和年齡序的重要性。另一方面，原無清楚血緣關係的親屬群之間彼此可以締結擬親關係，對此現象的分析實有助於瞭解阿美族親屬制度的特性與運作。

This paper presents a reconsideration of the kinship system of the Amis. The Amis kinship has been described in most previous writings as composed of matrilineal lineages. But in the light of field data collected from a coastal tribe, the author argues that rumah (family) is the basic and analytical unit, and the so-called matrilineal lineage is actually expanded from the rumah across several generations under the condition of practicing uxilocal-residence marriage. The distinctive features of rumah are also expressed in two inportant elements: ancestor worship and the holding of grainstore.In comparison with the traditional situation, in which the married-in husband never lost membership of his natal rumah and was rather a living passenger to his wife's rumah, there have been some drastic changes since the 1960s: an increasing rate of virilocal-residence marriage and the tendency to see married-in husbands (or wives) as ancestors of the rumah into which they married after they die. However, rumah is still the basic unit, and the newly-born child gets his (her) membership of larger kin groups, like rarumaan and ngasao, through the rumah he (she) belongs to. Besides, the relationship of the children of a married-out person to the latter's natal rumah is recognized. And we can discern the supremacy of man's status in officiating ceremonies and the significance of age principle from the nature of such relationship. Finally, the analysis of the establishment of simulated kinship between kin groups, which originally do not have genealogical relationship, is important for us to understand how kinship system works in Amis society.