筏灣村排灣族的部落組織

U-PAIWAN VILLAGE ORGANIZATION

這裏所說的“部落”是指排灣族土語kinayang而言。在排灣族的語彙裏，有兩個字與居住區域有關：一個是kinayang；另一個tavkavkan。前者的範圍較大，且具有共同防衛的意義，與 Prof. Schapera所倡的政治社區（political community）相符合。後者的範圍較小，是前者的一個分區，基於地形或人為的因素而造成的。如果我們把kinayang 當做部落的話，tavkavkan就可以稱之為聚落。筏灣村是臺灣省現行行政區城中屏東縣瑪家鄉的五村之一。既然筏灣是現行的行政區域，自無所謂的部落可言，本文所述以排灣居民尚未被外人統治之部落活動為主，兼述該地為外人統治後，居民們在政治意識上的改變，為民族誌在政治制度方面以及社會變遷方面增加些比較的資料。就筏灣村的行政區域而言，共轄三個聚落：筏灣 （Supaiwan）、射鹿（Tsarisi） 與高燕 （Padain），各以巷名之。就居民的概念而論，高燕在以前是個強大的部落， 射鹿在若干年代前由筏灣分出。由此，筏灣巷就是個kinayang，本文所敘的範圍也以筏灣巷為限。本文的主要資料是筆者於民國五十二年到民國五十五年間在該地調查所得資料的一部分。本文在寫作期間承蒙所長凌純聲師的督促與鼓勵，文成後又蒙他審閱斧正，特此致謝。

Su-Paiwan is a Paiwanese village in the mountain area in the southern part of Taiwan Island. According to the administrative division of Taiwan Province it belongs to Fawan Tsun, Machia Hsiang, Pingtung Hsien. Su-paiwan is one of the three parts of Fawan Tsun. The traditional political system of Su-paiwan was quite different from what is practiced by the people living in this village at present time. In order to obtain some information on the former political institutions, I made a survey about the traditional political activities in this village and some social changes in political aspects within the past three hundred years due to the influences of other peoples who came into this village. This report, I think, perhaps can offer some comparative data for the student of political anthropology. Local ties were the most important factor of the organization in this village. All the people who lived in this place were the members of this organization. Examing the inhabitants of this village, we may divide them into three different types: (1) people who were born here were the largest number; (2) people born in some other villages lived here by maens of marriage; (3) refugees came from other villages with their families to avoid bad treatments from their former chiefs. These refugees had to obtain an agreement from one of the five chiefs (the family names of these chiefs are Taogado, Mavariu, Kaporo, Balingats, and Talolivak) in this village before-hand. These three types of people had the same rights and obligations in political activities. Chieftainship in Su-paiwan was divined. The five chiefs had their own land for cultivation and settling. They succeeded their titles and inherited their properties from their fathers or mothers by the right of primogeniture (the eldest child not the eldest son). People other than chiefs did not have any land of their own to live on or cultivate, therefore, they had to ask one of the chiefs to give them some land on which to build their houses and plant their crops. People whose residences were on a chief's land were subject to this chief. There were eleven dwelling areas in this village belonging to these five chiefs (Taogado 4, Balingats 2, Mavariu 2, Talolivak 1). The dwelling area(s) of each chief formed one of the five sub-units within this village. This sub-unit was called 'tou' by Japanese scholar (Kojima, 1921:3) and 'tuan' by Mr. Lin Heng-li (Lin, 1955:53). Every chief could rule the people within his tuan by his assistant named 'kalaingan'. Some public affairs belonged to the village. All the chiefs were the rulers of this village in theory, but they were not in charge of any administrative work. Eleven old men called 'Vavulungvulung' in native language were elected by the inhabitants of the eleven dwelling areas to form a village council which was the decision-making body of this village. One person who was elected by the council and also called 'kalainngan' (the same name as the assistants of the chiefs) was placed in charge of this council and the village administrative affairs.Unmarried young men, except the sons of the five chiefs, in each dwelling area were organized together. They slept in a large dormitory called 'tsakar' at night to guard against invaders from other villages. They had their own chief who was elected by and from among themselves. The councillor of each dwelling area was the direct inspector of each organization, and the general chief of the village level was the village 'kalainngan'. The military organization of this village was much larger than its youth organization, though the former was based on the the latter. In theory, all the strong adults of this village should be members of this organization, but owing to the taboo forbidding slaying among kinsmen and affines, there were always some adults to be excluded from the attacking group during war time because village exogamy was involed.